Singapore’s omission from “Summit for Democracy” is a blessing in disguise

Ng Qi Siang argues that it was ultimately beneficial for Singapore to be omitted from the US-organized Summit for Democracy in December last year. By highlighting key characteristics of the summit, he shows how Singapore’s participation is likely to signal a weakened commitment to its foreign policy principles, which includes the city-state’s commitment to non-interference in the internal affairs of other states and the pursuit of good relations with all who wish to work with it. He then discusses great-power tensions between the US and China, and how Singapore’s non-participation in the summit aligns with its strategy to navigate a more polarised world order.

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The Bifurcation of International Cyber Norms: Navigating the Space In-Between

In this article, Lionel Oh discusses the concerning trend of bifurcation in the development of international norms governing the cyber domain, driven by tensions between major powers and competing visions of cyberspace. He outlines the diplomatic challenges that Singapore faces in light of such divergence, and explores how Singapore might continue to further her foreign policy interests amidst this splintering global landscape.

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Letter to the Editor: Response to The Shangri-La Dialogue

Shaun Seah responds to our previous article by Jina Lim, The Shangri-La Dialogue: Ensuring Singapore’s Relevance in Defence Diplomacy. In his letter, he highlights the value of a virtualised format in increasing capacity, accessibility, and diversity of participation, with a view towards leveling the diplomatic playing field for smaller and developing states. He also points out the added benefit of such platforms in lending clarity to strategic clashes amidst the current volatile global environment.

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The Management of Threats in Singapore: Civil-Military Integration

In this paper, Isaac Neo explores why Singapore’s historical experience with high levels of internal and external threat have not resulted in degraded civilian control over the military, despite existing Civil-Military Relations models predicting such an outcome. He argues this is due to the effective demarcation of responsibility between civilian institutions and the Singapore Armed Forces, along the lines of internal and external threat management. This is reinforced by the subordination of the military to a broader notion of security through the Total Defence framework. Lastly, there is a sustained effort to civilianise the military sphere, through National Service and other administrative structures.

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A stronger and more distinct Singaporean-Chinese identity necessary for addressing China’s misperceptions of Singapore

Drawing on her undergraduate research on mainland Chinese students’ perception of the Singaporean-Chinese identity, Shu Min Chong finds that misperceptions result in mainland Chinese having unrealistic expectations of Singaporeans and Singapore. While it is easy to put blame on China, Shu Min argues that Singapore needs to do more to articulate what a unique Singaporean-Chinese identity looks like.

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同为华人?论新加坡人与中国人对“新加坡华人”的认知差异

“中国人和新加坡华人都是华人”,这种看法成立吗?基于她本科论文有关新中两国人民对“新加坡华人”认知差异的研究,张树敏发现当中国人对新加坡华人身份和文化的认知与现实有偏差。她认为新加坡应该加强本土华人身份认同,并对此提出一些政策意见。

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A Historical Perspective on Singapore-China Relations: 1965-1975

In this research paper, Katherine Enright argues that Singapore-China relations from 1965-1975 can best be understood not merely as a bilateral relationship, but as one situated in a complex web of international political dynamics, both in relation to Cold War powers (the US and the USSR) and Southeast Asia. Singapore’s pragmatic foreign policy outlook – one that prioritised economic security and the balancing of international and regional powers – in turn influenced Singapore’s engagement with China and its reaction to broader Cold War dynamics. Ultimately, the confluence of these factors contributed to a dramatic warming in Singapore-China relations during this period.

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